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Savings before credit: Turning BURO’s borrowers into net depositors

Perhaps we were naïve. It never occurred to us that it could be acceptable for microfinance institutions (MFIs) to extract “compulsory savings” and lock them in until the client left the organization. Yet, that was the prevalent model in Bangladesh. Compulsory savings were allegedly necessary because poor people needed the discipline to save. The MFIs’ refusal to give them access until they left was ostensibly to allow them to build up lump sums. 

This logic struck us as disingenuous, flawed, and exploitative. The real reason for the compulsory savings was to help raise capital for the MFIs to on-lend to the very people from whom these MFIs were levying the savings. Insisting that the client leave the organization before they had access to their own savings seemed like a recipe for churn. 

We set up the BURO model in 1990 explicitly to challenge the norm. We allowed BURO clients to withdraw their savings on demand. We started in Tangail District. Our fieldwork in 2026 revealed that while most MFIs now allow their clients access to their savings, many branch managers still use savings to pay off unpaid loan installments, which undermines trust. In contrast, as a BURO client in Silimpur told us, “We trust BURO. It lets us withdraw our savings whenever we want and gives us the loans we need. We do not need any other organization.” 

Key outcomes across the five model branches 

At the end of 2025, BURO Bangladesh had 3.14 million active clients. Of these, only 2.53 million (80%) are borrowing. Today, a remarkable transition has occurred. All BURO’s original “five model branches” have net deposit balances that attract more deposits than they lend out. BURO’s clients in all five branches display “savings-surplus” behavior.  

Analysis of savings, withdrawals, and net deposits in the five model branches shows a remarkable pattern. Over time, clients came to trust BURO, and people continued to deposit, even during floods. This trend accelerated and took off around 2013-14, when BURO began offering its services to small entrepreneurs and salaried workers. Both categories required larger loans but were also able to save larger amounts.  

Throughout, BURO has offered its Deposit Pension Scheme (DPS). The DPS is a contractual savings product with interest rates of 10%, 8%, or 7% per annum, with a commitment of 10, 5, or 3 years. Unlike most other MFIs that offer this product, BURO allows its clients to cash out these funds early with limited penalties if they have an emergency and need funds urgently. These popular products were sanctioned for full-scale rollout by the Microcredit Authority (MRA) in 2014 and promoted by BURO thereafter. These remain the BURO clients’ preferred way of building useful lump sums of money. 

COVID -19 drove the 2021 spike in both savings deposits and withdrawals. Initially, BURO saw an outflow of funds, but this was soon replaced by a surge of deposits as clients understood that BURO would maintain uninterrupted access to their savings. When many banks and MFIs closed for extended periods during the pandemic, some clients withdrew from those institutions and shifted their savings to BURO.  

Catalytic changes over time 

In 1990, Bangladesh was still poor and conservative, and Tangail was no different, Microcredit had significant scope to provide working capital to enhance businesses. BURO’s small loans helped destitute households stand on their own feet and build a future. People took loans to rehabilitate broken or idle handlooms and purchase stock for small kiosk shops, for chicken and goat rearing, and to buy fertilizer for fields leased from rich landowners. As one old member put it, “Before, everyone was poor and we needed loans. Now, we have our own chicken and rice fields. We have money in our hands, so we can save.” As one long-term BURO client observed, “Before, we used to save BDT 10 (USD 0.08) per week, and now, we can save BDT 500 (USD 4.10).” We met one BURO client whose first loan was BDT 10,000 (USD 81.50) and now runs a successful business selling plastic sandals – she now borrows BDT 200,000 (USD 1,636) each time. 

When we first started working in Tangail, we found no households with members working overseas. However, in the last 15 years or so, this has become much more common. During our fieldwork, we visited many villages where a substantial number of households had sent male members out to the Middle East or Malaysia. These men remitted money regularly, often through BURO itself. This allowed their spouses or mothers to save relatively substantial amounts with BURO on a regular basis. One old woman noted, “Many people in the village have sent their husbands or sons abroad for work. They do not need to rely on loans anymore and can rely on their savings.” 

However, according to Heintz et al. (2017), 65% of Bangladeshi women still run enterprises from their homesteads, with 47% that generate income and 18% that reduce expenditure. We often heard that once they had saved an adequately large lump sum, they used it to buy cows or electric autorickshaws. “Before, women did not work. Now we all work and contribute. We do not need to depend on our husbands anymore.” 

This extraordinary evolution should remind us all how important it is to assess the impact of microfinance over a long period of time. It should also remind us that low-income people need a range of financial services beyond credit. 

So what to make of this remarkable story? 

We have four hypotheses – all open to debate, but all help explain the data and are substantiated by the discussions we held with BURO’s clients. 

  1. BURO’s presence and long history in Tangail, especially the five model branches, established 35 years ago, have created deep trust. This is amplified by other MFIs that: 
    (a) Refuse to allow withdrawals from savings accounts while loans are outstanding; 
    (b) Net-off delayed loan installments against savings accounts without the member’s permission; and 
    (c) Do not permit early breaking of contractual savings accounts.

    As a result, people have moved to BURO as their (typically sole) provider of choice – and have developed a collective savings behavior, preferring to save with BURO over investing in land or larger houses. The flexibility BURO offers is highly valued and encourages people to save. This allows them to respond to needs or opportunities instantly, something they could not do if their money were tied up in land or buildings. Our blog, “Trust is the product: Why Tangail’s savers choose certainty over returns”, explores this dynamic at length

  2. The DPS is a highly valued mechanism, and not (as we had originally envisaged) as a specific goal-focused savings mechanism, but as a way of setting money aside to build up lump sums. Decisions on what exactly these lump sums will be used for are typically made when the DPS matures and pays out. We explore this dynamic in greater detail in our blog, “When saving feels like freedom: Security, daughters’ futures, and financial confidence over time.” 

  3. Access to credit and savings services has significant long-term impacts. It first enables households to build enterprises or send (typically male) relatives abroad to earn and remit money home. Households now have much more disposable income, which they often choose to save. Women, who frequently manage their households in the absence of men, have taken on greater responsibility and developed their own businesses. “Beyond borrowing: How women in Tangail make sophisticated investments” discusses the implications of this shift.

  4. BURO loans and savings services have often financed or enabled the education of both male and female children, and intergenerational impacts are now visible. These children, now adults, are educated and thus (a) can secure overseas work or salary-paying jobs, and (b) are unwilling to work in the fields and thus seek opportunities abroad or set up their own enterprises. Our blog, “Migration as a household investment and why finance arrives too late,” discusses this trend. 

In the end … 

What began in 1990 as a principled rejection of compulsory, inaccessible savings has evolved into something far more profound. In Tangail’s five model branches, clients are now net savers, not net borrowers. This transformation was driven by trust, flexibility, entrepreneurship, migration, education, and time. The clients’ voices confirm what the data reveals. When people are treated as capable financial decision-makers rather than passive recipients of discipline, they do not withdraw money but start to save more. In the long arc of development finance, BURO’s experience suggests that access, autonomy, and trust may be the most catalytic financial products of all. 

How households shape gender equality outcomes

In Indian cinema, a woman’s breakthrough moment is often not when she defies the world, but when her father quietly backs her. From Dangal to Gunjan Saxena: The Kargil Girl, from small-town dramas to big-budget biopics, the turning point is strikingly similar: A man inside the household using his social authority to make a woman’s ambition socially acceptable.

These scenes resonate because they mirror real life. Across India, policy may open doors for women, but it is the household that decides whether they are allowed to walk through them. Policies do not operate in isolation; they are mediated through households, which make key decisions on mobility, time use, and participation.

Over the past decade, India has made significant policy investments to advance gender equality across various sectors. India’s gender budget now accounts for over 9% of the Union Budget. Yet outcomes remain uneven, reflecting a missing link between what policy enables and what households allow.

In many households, women’s aspirations are shaped not only by ability but by social permission. Women within households often counsel caution, not out of conservatism, but out of lived experience of safety risks, reputation, and social sanction. Their restraint is rational.

Men, by contrast, are more often socially authorised to challenge norms. Their support carries legitimacy, authority, and moral support that women’s voices still have to negotiate routinely. In practice, male voices continue to be more readily accepted in redefining what is considered acceptable. This does not imply that men create women’s agency, but it does reveal how authority operates within existing structures. It also, in ways, makes it slightly easier for women who have support back home.

These dynamics surface strongly when women enter roles traditionally perceived as ‘male’, whether as entrepreneurs, transport workers, or banking agents. Societal resistance to women entering such traditionally male-dominated sectors is rarely linked to their capability, but rather to whether women’s participation aligns with prevailing social expectations. Even where jobs exist, women’s participation depends on household support for travel, time allocation, and continuity of work. Research on women’s work shows that their workforce participation is constrained less by the actual lack of jobs and more by how women’s time and their movement are regulated. and the Time Use Survey both point to the same reasons: Mobility constraints and disproportionate caregiving load. Both the Periodic Labour Force Survey (October 2025) and the Time Use Survey point to the same reasons: mobility constraints and disproportionate caregiving loads.

Our research on female banking agents shows how operating hours, geographic reach, and customer engagement are often limited by what families and communities consider appropriate for women. But when households actively support mobility and redistribute care, women’s participation becomes more stable and scalable. Similarly, our research on women’s entrepreneurship shows that the first and most influential source of business mentorship is often from the men within the family. Mentorship and endorsement from a male family member often determine how women move from interest to participation to scaling in family businesses, which generate over 75% of India’s GDP.

Together, these patterns point to a critical conclusion: While policy creates opportunity for women, households decide whether it can be used. From a policy perspective, male allyship emerges as one of the practical implementation levers to bridge this critical policy gap, influencing policy provisions’ translation into sustained participation. When men support women’s mobility, participate more actively in care responsibilities, and support women’s health and work-related decisions, policy provisions shift from abstract entitlements to actionable choices. However, male allyship must move from tokenism and symbolism to action.

The household must be treated not as a backdrop to policy, but as the actual implementation site, and within it, male allyship as an enabling lever. Norms do not shift because laws exist; they shift when daily micro-and-macro decisions within homes change in favour of women. When similar shifts are reinforced through workplaces, community institutions, and public systems, they contribute to larger systemic change around women’s economic participation. Take the example of some male sarpanchs whose efforts ranged from promoting the value of daughters to challenging everyday sexist language, demonstrating how male authority, when exercised deliberately, can shift community norms that shape women’s lives.

In such contexts, women’s engagement in work, care decisions, and health shifts from ongoing negotiations to routine practice not because policy has changed, but because the household has.

For policymakers and programme designers, this has direct and clear implications for how a policy can promote or even nudge equality or how gender-intentional interventions are designed and delivered. For example, policy investments aimed at transforming women’s work and well-being in India should meaningfully involve men at key life-cycle moments such as marriage, childbirth, return to work, and caregiving shocks when women’s sustained participation is most at risk. Policy and programme metrics that track women’s progress should move beyond access to track behaviours that enable continuity, including mobility, time use, and sustained engagement with services.

The question, therefore, is not whether policies exist, but whether they are designed to work within the household contexts to reinforce enabling behaviours while influencing more men to become allies to support women’s economic participation. If policies are to deliver transformative progress for women’s economic inclusion, we must target households as the real implementation platforms and male allyship as a critical infrastructure within them. Otherwise, we will continue to mistake legal equality for lived equality.

This was first published on 29th May 2026 by Economic Times.

Rwanda FinScope 2024: Digital financial services thematic report

The Rwanda FinScope 2024 Digital Financial Services Thematic Report highlights Rwanda’s rapid progress in digital financial inclusion. It notes that 85.3% of adults now access digital financial services, up from 46% in 2016. Mobile money, digital person-to-business payments, and supportive government policies are the key drivers of this growth. However, financial exclusion remains concentrated among rural populations, women, youth, and low-income groups that lack access to devices or digital services. The report recommends expansion of infrastructure, improvement in digital literacy, stronger trust and security, and the promotion of inclusive financial innovation to support broader financial empowerment

Console, Code, Change: Tapping the power of video games for social impact

Look around at any metro coach, university canteen, or waiting room. The world is not just looking down at their phones; they are plugged into a parallel reality. From Call of Duty to Candy Crush, games have evolved from mere distractions into the primary ways in which we think, connect, and see ourselves. But while we have spent ages debating the economics of this digital gaming empire, we have largely ignored its unique potential to bring positive social change.

With industry projections of over 500 million gamers in India today and an estimated 700 million by 2030, the sheer scale of this industry is staggering. Globally, it is eclipsing the music and film industries combined. But scale without intent can also be damaging. Research finds a positive correlation between addiction to gaming, especially war games, and increased aggression among adolescent males. Women gamers report online harassment and abuse. Many games rely on stereotypical gender representation that reinforces real-world bias. Without a responsible lens, games can replicate inequality rather than challenge it.

We are currently at a crossroads. The recently Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Act, 2025, focuses primarily on regulating real-money games. However, it also offers a constructive pathway for social innovation, including the promotion of games for education and social change. We can continue to let games mirror our societal inequalities or use the Act to do something far more ambitious ― change adverse social norms!

Here is the superpower that games have over every other medium: agency. Films let you just watch, while games force you to participate and act. When a player faces a moral dilemma in a game, they do not just witness a story; they choose a path and live with the consequences, albeit in virtual reality, but a reality nonetheless. This can be key to build genuine empathy and skills.

  • Evidence in action: Titles like Never Alone or That Dragon, Cancer prove that interactive storytelling can cultivate emotional depth in ways movies never could.
  • Real-world impact: Consider Go Nisha Go, which equipped adolescent girls with the confidence to navigate complex sexual and reproductive health decisions.

These are not just games; they are training grounds for real-world resilience. Research shows that well-designed games sharpen problem-solving, decision-making, and critical systems thinking. The economic argument is just as loud as the social one. When games model equality and inclusion, they are not just being nice. They are fostering a more equitable workforce. Agency practiced in digital spaces can translate into confidence, participation, and leadership in the real economy.

Development practitioners have long used games as tools to nudge and shift norms and attitudes. The challenge now is bringing that intent to the digital gaming arena.

  • To the developers: Prioritize inclusive, gender-intentional design that builds sensitivity and empathy.
  • To the policymakers: Use the National Online Gaming Commission to incentivize social innovation in gaming, moving the discussion away from policing consumption.
  • To civil society: Shift from being critics to collaborators to developers. Partner with them to make constructive content.

Treating games as tools for social change requires intention, not reinvention. India has the talent, the policy momentum, and a massive, plugged-in audience to lead this transition.

The game is on. How we play is what matters.

This was first published on 27th May 2026 by ET Edge Insights.

Designing and scaling Instant Payment Systems: Lessons from Nigeria and Ethiopia

As fast payment systems expand across Africa, they are reshaping transaction flows. Yet, instant payments also raise new questions about governance, interoperability, and financial inclusion. This white paper compares Nigeria’s established NIBSS Instant Payment system with Ethiopia’s newly launched EthioPay-IPS to show how differing design choices affect the reach and resilience of instant payment systems. In it, the authors review core program design, governance and risk management, market integration, and cross-border connectivity, and draw on transaction trends and institutional trajectories to explain why pricing, distribution, use cases, and stakeholder coordination determine how these payment systems scale.