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Financing Africa’s fisheries: From informality to investability

Kamarinyang Aqua Park in Busia County, Kenya, illustrates both the promise and the financing challenge within Africa’s fisheries sector. The Kenya Climate-Smart Agriculture Program was established around 2021, in partnership with the County Government of Busia. The Aqua Park received more than KES 65 million (~USD 503,000) in investment and established 78 fishponds. 

Yet, infrastructure alone did not result in a functioning enterprise, as the ponds remained unstocked. Project members also lacked the financial capability and collective management systems needed to operate the facility productively. This gap highlights how grant-funded initiatives can struggle to sustain impact without a viable market or a clear enterprise pathway. 

The situation changed in March 2025, when 130 members received financial education and training on group dynamics from MSC (MicroSave Consulting) and the Association of Women in Fisheries Blue Economy Kenya (AWFBEK). Members reorganized into sub-groups, assigned pond responsibilities across women, youth, persons with disabilities, and cooperative members, and agreed to contribute KES 100 (~USD 0.77) every two weeks to support joint activities. 

By June 2025, the ponds were stocked with tilapia and catfish, and the first harvest followed in February 2026. The shift went beyond pond use to include greater ownership, accountability, and readiness to engage more effectively with formal and digital finance, such as the Chama app. 

The Kamarinyang story goes beyond financial education. It shows how enterprise support financial capability and how sector-appropriate finance must come together to move fisheries enterprises from informality toward investability. It also reflects a wider challenge across the fisheries sector. 

Africa’s fisheries and aquaculture sector faces two competitive realities. It is already a major source of food and nutrition, with aquatic foods supplying about 18% of animal protein in Africa. At the same time, the continent faces a projected annual fish deficit of 11 million metric tons by 2030 unless supply expands significantly. Meeting this demand will require a substantial increase in production. 

Aquaculture is widely seen as a sustainable and viable pathway. Yet, the investment needed to scale production in Africa has not materialized, with, according to recent analyses, an estimated annual financing gap of approximately USD 12 billion.   

Financial institutions often perceive the fisheries sector as inherently high risk and commercially unattractive. Some of this risk is real, driven by weak records, limited collateral, long production cycles, and high transaction costs relative to the size of small loans. Yet, this perceived risk also reflects limited familiarity with the sector, as indicated by MSC’s engagement with partner financial institutions (PFIs). 

Many lenders do not fully understand how fisheries enterprises operate, such as their seasonality, cash flow patterns, margins, growth trajectories, and risk exposure. This limits their ability to assess creditworthiness or design products that meet their working capital and investment needs. In aquaculture, this challenge is even more pronounced, as lenders must assess biological risks, such as disease outbreaks, stock losses, and weather-related shocks. They often lack the sector knowledge needed to interpret these risks effectively.  

Yet, fisheries enterprises conduct substantial commercial transactions and demonstrate strong business discipline, despite constrained resources and market conditions. Young women and men are central to the fisheries economy, which accounts for 70% of employment in the sector across East and Southern Africa.  

Many transactions are organized through Beach Management Units (BMU), chamas, and other local networks that help businesses coordinate, save, borrow, and trade. The problem is that much of this economic activity is informal and poorly documented. As a result, businesses with real turnover, market relationships, and demonstrated financial discipline remain largely invisible to lenders.  

MSC’s work in the sector reveals the intensity of this activity and the extent of unmet financial need. These enterprises cannot grow, modernize, or scale operations without finance or acquire productive assets. They remain commercially active but structurally constrained.

High-cost informal borrowing diverts cash from already thin margins, limiting traders’ ability to reinvest profits and expand their businesses. These examples highlight the sector’s unrealized potential. If these enterprises can survive, adapt, and continue transacting under such constrained conditions, their growth potential with access to appropriate finance, assets, and business support is likely to be far greater. 

The financing challenge in fisheries cannot be solved through a single intervention. When enterprise transactions are poorly documented and business practices remain informal, financial institutions struggle to assess cash flows, governance, repayment capacity, and risk. As a result, viable businesses may be excluded from credit or offered products that are too costly, too short-term, or poorly aligned with their operating cycles. This weakens repayment capacity and discourages demand for formal finance, even among commercially active enterprises.   

These constraints require financial education and enterprise support. Savings discipline, record-keeping, technical training, and stronger group governance help translate informal economic activity into information that financial institutions can use. While they cannot eliminate all risks, they reduce uncertainty and make businesses easier to understand and assess. 

Financial education also influences how entrepreneurs engage with financial services. Familiarity with financial terms, product features, loan conditions, and repayment obligations can support better borrowing decisions and long-term financial health. 

However, effective financial behavior requires more than training. Financial education is more likely to influence behavior when it is practical, delivered at teachable moments, and linked to timely access to relevant financial solutions. This approach allows entrepreneurs to apply and consolidate new knowledge and build financial capability through use. 

MSC’s ongoing work under Women and Youth Economic Empowerment in Fisheries through Inclusive Market Access (WYEEFIMA) reflects this approach. This project combines enterprise support with financial sector engagement to improve financial readiness and unlock more suitable pathways to inclusion, sustainability, and job creation. 

The following table summarizes how specific financial capability interventions address key constraints and support better outcomes for fisheries enterprises.  

Financial education lays the foundation for graduating from informal mechanisms to structured financial services. MSC’s post-training results in Busia show how stronger financial capability can improve financial readiness by making business performance and risk more visible and manageable. 

For financial institutions, the opportunity extends beyond increased lending to fisheries enterprises. It includes creating structured pathways that help commercially active enterprises become finance-ready and bankable. They must distinguish the needs of different actors, such as working capital for traders and asset finance for producers, and design products that reflect production cycles, cash flow patterns, and repayment realities. These institutions must also improve underwriting for informal enterprises by working with partners to strengthen financial capability, governance, record-keeping, and transaction visibility. 

Africa’s fisheries sector has strong demand and a diverse enterprise base. Yet, it lacks a financing system that understands the sector’s business cycles and uses increasingly accessible, high-quality data to recognize viable businesses and inform product specifications. Financial institutions, value-chain actors, development partners, and local enterprise networks must act in coordination to close this gap. Together, these stakeholders can strengthen business discipline, improve visibility, and design fit-for-purpose financing that enables enterprises to grow.  

Over the next three years, MSC will partner with financial institutions and sector partners to test practical pathways to expand finance for commercially active fisheries enterprises. We invite financial institutions to collaborate  to strengthen fisheries portfolios through better underwriting, fit-for-purpose products, and enterprise support. 

Migration as a household investment and why finance arrives too late

Households in Bangladesh with family members working abroad celebrate remittances as a lifeline with profound economic and social significance. They spend months or even years assembling the resources needed to send earners overseas and must wait for the first remittance to arrive. In communities that send migrants, such as Tangail, families gradually scrape together savings and loans to finance recruitment costs, travel, and documentation. 

One BURO member described how she liquidated a savings account she had built for more than 17 years to finance her son’s migration to Saudi Arabia. She chose savings rather than a loan because loan repayment begins immediately, while income from migration can take time to stabilize. 

Among BURO clients in Tangail, the decision to send someone abroad is often discussed as part of a broader household strategy. Migration offers the potential for higher income, but it also involves substantial uncertainty. The financial decision comes with an emotional cost. During fieldwork, we met many women whose husbands or sons could only return home once every two or even three years. Families are forced to navigate long periods of separation alongside the financial risks migration entails. 

Families must assemble significant funds before departure to cover recruitment fees, travel costs, and documentation. The World Bank’s Migration and Development Brief estimates that remittance inflows to Bangladesh totaled around USD 23 billion in 2024. Yet behind these national figures lie thousands of household decisions about whether migration is financially possible and how the risks will be managed. 

These decisions are rarely individual. In households, family members weigh risks and potential returns together. Savings frequently play a central role in these discussions, as households gradually accumulate funds that can support migration expenses or reduce reliance on borrowing. 

Field observations among BURO members in Tangail suggest that households rarely rely on a single financial source to fund migration. Instead, families assemble resources through a layered approach. Savings accumulated over many years often form the foundation. Long-term deposits allow households to gradually build capitals that can be mobilized when migration opportunities arise. These savings reduce the amount households need to borrow and provide a degree of financial flexibility during uncertain periods. 

Households then layer loans on top to cover the remaining costs. For example, one BURO member described taking a loan of BDT 200,000 (USD 1,630) to support her son’s migration abroad, which is an example of how borrowing often complements existing savings rather than replacing them. Migration costs are higher than household income, so families often commit resources well before departure, without certainty about when migration income will begin. 

How remittances reshape financial behavior 

The flow of remittances is rarely smooth or predictable. Migrants often need time to secure stable employment, and transfers may arrive irregularly based on working conditions and payment arrangements. During this early phase, households continue to rely on savings to manage uncertainty. 

Remittances also appear to shift financial behavior within some communities. In several BURO centers in Tangail, staff observed that households that receive regular remittances often rely less on loans and instead accumulate savings from these transfers. In one center, 13 of 16 households had family members working overseas, and women were saving remittance income through Deposit Pension Scheme (DPS) accounts.  

Field observations also showed how remittance income translated into tangible household investments over time. In these BURO centers, families used savings from remittances to purchase land, improve housing, invest in livestock, and finance vehicles, such as autorickshaws, which supported local income generation. 

In one household, regular remittances of around BDT 80,000–100,000 (USD 650-815) per month enabled repayment of a housing loan worth BDT 400,000 (USD 3,261) while the family continued to save through contractual savings accounts for children’s future education and security. Because many men work abroad, women often become the household’s financial managers. They receive remittances, decide how much to save, and allocate funds for education, assets, or emergencies. 

In some households, migration also becomes cyclical. Family members who migrate earlier help finance the departure of other family members to create repeat migration pathways within the same household. Cleaner guidance on investment options are required. 

The timing gap in migration finance 

Migration decisions expose households to multiple risks long before any income begins to flow. Families must rely on recruitment intermediaries whose costs and reliability are often uncertain, commit to savings or loans without guarantees about employment conditions, and prepare for the possibility that wages may be delayed or lower than expected after arrival. In some cases, migrants discover that jobs differ from what was promised or that living expenses abroad reduce the amount they can send home. During this period, households need to repay migration-related loans even though remittance income has not yet begun. 

At this stage, wrong decisions can have significant consequences. A Business Standard report shows that workers who travel under the apparently “free visa” arrangements lost an estimated BDT 30,000 crore (USD 25 million) in 2022 alone due to inflated recruitment costs and fraudulent intermediary practices. Migration monitoring by Andy Hall has also documented cases in which Bangladeshi workers paid large recruitment fees, only to arrive overseas and find that promised jobs did not exist or wages were withheld for months. As a result, families at home struggle to repay migration-related loans without remittance income. 

This creates a timing gap. Financial systems tend to engage once remittances begin to arrive, which focuses on transfers and mobilizing savings. These services are valuable, but households need support when they prepare for migration and manage the risks that make migration possible in the first place.  

This gap points to an opportunity to rethink how those services support migration.  

Financial risks are the highest before departure. So, households can benefit from tools that combine savings, financing, and information. Structured savings products could help families gradually accumulate migration funds, while migration-linked loans could bridge financing gaps through repayment structures aligned with migration timelines. For example, a combination of savings accumulation with short grace periods or phased repayment schedules can reduce financial strain on households before remittance income begins. 

Once remittances begin, financial services can shift to help households manage these flows effectively. Flexible savings tools and advisory services can help families convert remittance income into long-term financial resilience and productive investments.  

Current efforts to support migrant households 

Moreover, BURO has initiated the “Remittance Management for Socioeconomic Stability of Migrant Families” initiative under the Safal program, supported by the UNCDF and the Swiss Embassy. This initiative is being implemented in selected branches in Tangail and Munshiganj. It strengthens how migrant households plan, manage, and use remittance income effectively and represents an important step toward more lifecycle-oriented engagement with migrant families. 

While these efforts represent important progress, they also highlight the opportunity to expand structured financial support across the migration journey.  

Designing for the realities households face 

Households will continue to pursue migration with or without formal financial support. For many families, it represents a rare pathway to higher income and improved opportunities. The challenge is therefore not whether migration occurs, but how to reduce the risks surrounding it. Better financial preparation can help households avoid excessive debt, reduce exposure to fraudulent intermediaries, and manage the uncertainty that often accompanies the early stages of migration. 

Migration is more than a story of labor or remittance. It is also a financial journey. Financial systems that engage before households take risks can help them prepare better and convert remittances into a secure pathway toward resilience and opportunity. 

Beyond borrowing: How women in Tangail make sophisticated investments

“Cattle, savings, and hard work keep my household standing,” remarks Mita Ghosh, a BURO member for more than a decade.  

Mita joined the microfinance institution (MFI) BURO soon after she got married. Her mother-in-law was already a member and brought her to a BURO meeting. At her first session, she learned why saving matters and began to put aside BDT 20 (~USD 0.16) each week. Over time, her savings grew and she took a bold step and took her first loan for BDT 67,000 (~USD 546). The purpose was to finance her child’s education and buy a cow to support the household by selling milk. She repaid the loan, borrowed again for buying some ducks. She repeated this cycle to buy income generating assets and repay until she no longer needed loans. Over time, her focus shifted from accessing credit to deciding where and how to invest her growing savings 

Institutions, such as BURO Bangladesh, have helped expand financial inclusion for their low- and moderate-income members by building savings habits early. 32 years ago, BURO experimented with flexible savings, on the view that forced savings do not create voluntary discipline. The industry practice was to have a mandatory savings for any active loans, which could be withdrawn only if the loan has been fully repaid. BURO realized this will deter customers from creating long term savings habit. 30 years later, it has played out exactly how they planned.  

Currently, in the five model BURO branches in Tangail, savings have outgrown borrowing, and members save consistently and borrow strategically. The members built financial acumen through periodic financial literacy camps and knowledge-sharing sessions. Members could choose savings products that fit their needs. Branch level data shows The savings-to-loan ratio across the five model branches remained below 1 in the early years, meaning total amount of outstanding loans was greater than total deposit. Savings-to-loan ratio fell to its lowest point of 0.2 in 1998, when borrowing significantly outpaced savings. The trend then gradually reversed as members accumulated deposits over longer periods. The ratio reached parity in 2022, when savings equaled outstanding loans, and rose further to 1.55 by 2025. This shift indicates that many long-term members have transitioned from net borrowers to net savers. 

Source: BURO’s historical branch-level data 

Ratna from Dewli branch joined as a member 15 years ago. She has saved more than BDT 700,000 (USD 5,700) through consistent weekly deposits. She farms and rears cattle to support her family and borrows only when necessary. Meanwhile, Mina from Atia branch owns five cows and plans to acquire two more. She took a loan last year to build a bigger cowshed and has repaid it in full.  

Sakhina Begum runs a grocery shop, which she built entirely from her own savings. She paid for her three daughters’ weddings without borrowing money. She still maintains an active Deposit Pension Scheme (DPS) account for her son’s future. Similarly, Aruna from Pathrail saved consistently for 16 years. She began with just a BDT 5,000 (~USD 40.67) loan and a BDT 500 (~USD 4.07) monthly DPS. Over time, she motivated her whole family to save. After years of saving, the family funded their daughter’s education, marriage, and resettlement. 

We saw the same progression across several BURO branches in Tangail. Members initially borrow to finance reliable income-generating activities, such as livestock, small businesses, or electric autorickshaws. Over time, they increasingly rely on savings for major household goals, including children’s education, marriages, home improvements, and migration abroad. Borrowing gradually shifted from necessity to choice. Typically, members invest in four things: Livestock, electric autorickshaws, gold, and land. 

The first two of these investments yield regular income and can be managed from the homestead. Cows are a great asset, as highlighted by Stuart Rutherford in his book The Poor and Their Money,  livestock functions as both an income-generating asset and a form of savings. However, livestock investment also has practical limits. Most households can manage only about five cows and a few chickens due to land and space constraints.  

Electric autorickshaws are popular investments. Women often buy one and rent it out, usually to a family member between school and work or to someone looking for a job. Another important investment is gold. In Bangladesh, gold functions as an appreciating, portable, and liquid asset. Gold is a store of value and a key requirement for marriage, especially for the daughters of members.  

Across Dewli, Atia, and Pathrail branches, women run 10-year contractual accounts earmarked for their daughters’ jewelry. Mukta Begum has two contractual savings accounts to buy gold: One in her own name and one in her daughter’s name.  

Land is the next big investment. Our research found that most long-term members buy a plot, either farmland that they rent out at harvest or land near town for residential and commercial purpose. It is capital intensive, hard to liquidate, and comes with legal bottlenecks. However, land is where members park money once they have built a base and considers it as a personal milestone.  

Members has a tenacity to invest in the agriculture sector, either directly in production or within the production value chain. This pattern of investment has created massive expansion in this sector. It has also led to a rise in the diverse field of borrowing and saving in various agricultural businesses and products, such as livestock fattening, aquaculture, and seed banking. This expansion has created an opportunity, especially for women, to invest financially in a sector that significantly contributes to the country’s economy. This directly contributes to food security and created income-generating opportunities for landless and marginalized farmers.  

The agricultural crop map shows the diversity of agricultural products within Tangail where BURO’s members have actively invested.  

These women did not read an investment textbook or roadmap. They built their own roadmap, decision by decision, with no advisor, no planning tool, and no institutional support. 

BURO offered higher-tier deposit products as the savings capacity of the members grew, which shows the institution evolved alongside its members. However, some members seek alternative investment options for their surplus liquidity.  

A member in Atia branch lost BDT 500,000 (~USD 4,748) to a fraudulent NGO. She lost this amount because she simply wanted higher returns on her savings. Our study document cases of institutions in Dewli branch that disappeared overnight and took hundreds of thousands of community savings with them. 

Such instances are the predictable result of liquidity without a safe, trusted next step. Yet, these investments rarely follow a structured plan. Many households must navigate the process on their own, as market prices fluctuate, timing matters, and informal brokers sometimes step in. Members are ambitious, but they need a roadmap.  

The branch staff recognizes this gap. In Pathorail branch, they called for investment advisory services, lifecycle-based products, and partnerships to help members transition from savings into productive assets. Focus group discussion with BURO staff revealed that savings volumes grow faster than available investment channels. This gap extends beyond BURO and reflects a broader market failure. 

Shamim has worked at BURO’s Atia branch for two years. She notes, “Our members need support to transition from cash savings to productive investments.”  

When savings mature, the formal market offers more of the same or products not built for these households. The informal market offers higher returns, but has no rules, no protection, and no accountability when things go wrong. Even through disruptions, such as COVID-19, members who had built savings buffers fared markedly better, and BURO’s support during those periods deepened trust. 

Partnerships open a bigger opportunity. Members already invest in vehicles, solar panels, housing materials, aquacultures, and livestock. The question is whether they receive fair prices and protection when things go wrong. MFIs are positioned to act as a connector and guarantor of quality in asset finance. A partnership with a solar supplier or an electric vehicle (EV) manufacturer can help bridge the quality infrastructure gap with optional financing. 

BURO’s field officers can do something valuable at scale through light-touch guidance. They can simply show up at contractual savings maturity with a one-page sheet that shows what similar members did with their money and the outcomes they achieved. 

The pathways from saver to asset owner and from inclusion to security are not clearly laid out. Yet the members who need it are already there, saving and investing without a map and with savvy and sophistication. BURO’s long-term impact is evident in households that no longer depend on it. BURO’s measure of success is members who outgrow it. Success is measured by the share of members who move their accumulated savings into safer, higher-return assets without being cheated along the way. BURO has the data, the trust, and 35 years of proof that it can deliver. 

Finally, a major financial decision many of these households make is to send a family member abroad. This requires an upfront investment of BDT 300,000 (~USD 2440) to BDT 1.8 million (~USD 14,641), with uncertain returns, and is typically the single largest capital outlay these households ever make.  

The next blog in the series explores migration as a household investment and why finance arrives too late. 

When saving feels like freedom: Security, daughters’ futures, and financial confidence over time

We heard variations of this phrase repeatedly from BURO members across Tangail. Here, households rely on loans to build businesses, finance migration, and make large investments. Yet, savings occupy a different space in their everyday financial lives. Savings accumulate steadily without pressure and offer reassurance when income is uneven. It provides a sense of control over money that might otherwise be spent or pulled into daily demands. Over time, savings function less as a way to accumulate money and more as a path to preserve room to decide. 

Savings play a distinct role for households once incomes stabilize and life becomes more complex. It funds aspirations, absorbs shocks, and creates flexibility alongside repayment commitments. Savings allow households to accumulate resources without immediate obligation, while debt introduces timelines and expectations that can narrow that room to respond. For many women, savings also serve as an additional layer of security. It provides a quiet source of reassurance that they can rely on when income is uncertain or when support from others is limited.  

During a recent field visit, we met a customer with a brilliant savings concept, and the practice came to her because she understood the importance of savings. When we talked to Shirin, we saw connections among how spouses understand finances, how they manage funds, and how gender shapes household priorities around savings.  

The people explain why they save across BURO branches in Tangail. They mention education, land, housing, and migration costs as reasons to save. Yet, most conversations return to daughters’ futures. 

Savings build slowly for school fees, marriage expenses, exam costs, or the possibility of sending a son abroad. In many households, remittances sent by migrant family members working abroad are deposited directly into savings or long-term accounts. Families set them aside for education, daughters’ futures, or other major family priorities. The intention is often clear but not always fixed, which reflects the uncertain and evolving needs of households.  

Members save for specific goals and for security and control. These participants spoke about earlier experiences with organizations that disappeared with members’ funds, and about how difficult it is to keep cash safe at home. Money held within the household is easily spent, requested, or redirected to immediate needs and wants. When members place money elsewhere and know they can withdraw it when required, it creates confidence and introduces some friction to reduce impulsive spending. 

When households move money out of the home environment, they reduce daily leakage and the small pressures that accumulate around visible cash. This practice helps households protect their funds for future priorities. Digital channels, such as bKash and Nagad, have made it easier for households to receive remittances and move funds quickly. Yet, members consistently described BURO savings accounts as the place where they set aside and protected money intentionally for long-term priorities. 

The confidence members placed in BURO savings became visible during the COVID-19 period. Members recalled how they withdrew savings when incomes stopped or expenses rose unexpectedly. This experience reinforced their trust that BURO would keep the savings accessible when they truly needed the funds.  

Earlier client feedback from BURO customers also emphasizes withdrawal access. Insights from the BURO Lean Data Deep Dive conducted in May 2019 with 60 Decibels highlight that the ability to withdraw savings at any time builds trust in the institution. This report notes that BURO’s net promoter score of 82 is excellent and well above the Lean Data global average of 42 for microfinance institutions (MFIs). Similar patterns have been observed in other low-income settings. When households have access to savings they can easily withdraw from, they tend to save more and rely less on informal storage. This experience has strengthened the savings behavior, which confirms that money stored in the system can still be accessed in moments of need. 

The branch data reflects qualitative insights. A review of long-term records from the same branches shows that savings balances increased steadily after the COVID-19 period, even as loan recovery remained strong. This data does not explain behavior on its own, but it supports what members describe. Reliable access to savings appears to have strengthened saving behavior, particularly after a challenging period, which reminded people to set aside money for emergencies. 

Loans continue to support business expansion, migration, and asset purchase, but repayment schedules bring their own pressures. Households must pay installments irrespective of a steady income, and that worry can weigh on them even when businesses do well. Savings change how that pressure is experienced. It provides a buffer when earnings dip and allows households to meet obligations without panic, which eases the sense of constant exposure that repayment creates. 

In practice, savings and credit work together. Loans create opportunity, while savings protect stability. Together, they allow families to move forward and retain a margin of safety. In most households, women manage this balance quietly, as they coordinate how different income sources are saved and used over time. 

Women manage savings accounts, set aside remittances, and maintain long-term deposits for children across the branches. Over time, these habits become part of the household routine and shape household financial decisions.  

Shirin’s experience reflects this pattern. Her husband works in Saudi Arabia and covers most daily expenses, while Shirin uses her own earnings from tailoring, around BDT 12,000 (~USD 97) per month, to build savings across several institutions. Each month, she deposits nearly BDT 10,000 (~USD 81) across BURO and other organizations.  

When asked why she saves in several places instead of one, she explained, “You never know when you may need which support or which offer may be helpful.” Her strategy shows how savings help households maintain flexibility and security across different sources of support. 

An evidence synthesis by Innovations for Poverty Action (IPA) finds that women’s access to savings groups is linked to stronger household financial decision-making and improved resilience to economic shocks. 

Long-term deposit schemes help structure this process by building lump sums over time. Yet, the final use is not always fixed. Some households begin saving with a broad intention that includes education, marriage, migration, or investment, but decide later how the funds will be used. Flexibility matters as plans evolve and income remains uncertain. The value of these deposits often lies as much in preserved options as in a single predefined goal. This preference for adaptable savings reflects the findings from Women’s World Banking’s Mindful Savings report. The report highlights that many women value flexibility and control in savings products more than rigid goal-locking mechanisms. 

In Tangail, savings do not just fund specific goals. They give families the space to respond when something goes wrong, to rely less on debt during difficult moments, and to decide later how to use money. Savings demand is driven by planned expenditures, broader need for protection, autonomy, and the ability to adapt in changing circumstances. 

The question shifts from how to save to what comes next as balances grow. The next blog in the series explores how women in Tangail make sophisticated investments 

Trust is the product: Why Tangail’s savers choose certainty over returns

Kohinur Begum was only 15 when a local gang member abducted her from a neighborhood near Dhaka. They forced her into a marriage with an abusive husband with ongoing mental health issues.  

“I fought for a long time, and then I just gave up and accepted my life,” she says through tears. She stayed for her three children and her husband, who is now too ill to harm her. 

Kohinur became one of its early members when the Silimpur branch of BURO Bangladesh was established in Tangail. She found an unexpected ally in the staff at BURO Bangladesh in her search for stability and independence. She worked tirelessly, as she tailored clothes, sold goods, and completed small household tasks to build her savings over time.  

She shares, “At BURO, I do not need to explain my situation, and they do not ask me questions or shame me.” 

Kohinur shares her story from the newly renovated roof of her home in Tangail, a sign of the stability she gained through BURO. For her, a savings account is a safe place to store money, built at a time when the world failed to protect her. In a community where past experiences of financial loss and uncertainty shape trust, BURO earned her confidence. This institution protected her dignity when she was most vulnerable. 

Like many women in the community, Kohinur learned the importance of savings early in life. She watched her mother set aside money from household income for the family. Later, when she raised children without reliable support, savings became her primary way to protect their future. 

In Tangail, members describe trust in practical terms. It stems from interest rates, promotional offers, and the assurance that their money will be there when they need it. For many households living with uncertain incomes, trust comes from repeated experience with an institution that behaves predictably and stands by its members during difficult periods. Members often describe the most important feature as confidence, rather than a specific savings product. The money remains accessible, safe, and managed under clear, respectful rules. 

Members repeatedly identified three features that shaped this confidence during field discussions:  

  • Instant visibility and access: Members trust institutions when they can withdraw up to BDT 5,000 (~USD 40) immediately during a center meeting with only a signature. 
  • Predictable reliability: Members consistently report that they have not faced difficulties accessing their savings from BURO branches or centers. 

“I never saw anyone lose money or face problems in getting their money back,” says one woman member from the Atia Branch, whose house has been a center meeting point since 1990. 

  • Dignity in interaction: Members often mention respectful staff behavior as more important than interest rates. Kohinur values that BURO staff treat her with respect, which allows her to save without fear of judgment or pressure. This sense of dignity and reassurance encourages members to save regularly and rely on the institution during difficult periods.  

In many financial models, locked-in capital is seen as a way to ensure stability. However, in the precarious economy of rural Bangladesh, restrictions create uncertainty, which leads to fear. Research shows that entrepreneurs benefit more from flexible financial products that allows members to withdraw their savings even while they have an active loan. 

Most other providers block access to savings or net them off against missed installments without the member’s permission. As one member explained during the discussion, her confidence in BURO comes from the assurance that her savings remain under her control, even when she has an active loan. This flexibility is especially important in households where income is uncertain and unexpected expenses are common. 

BURO ensures that members do not lose access to their deposits during difficult periods, as it allows them to withdraw their savings when needed. When people know they can withdraw money when necessary, they feel more comfortable saving larger amounts. Members often described this flexibility as a reason why they continued to keep their savings with BURO for prolonged periods. 

Cognitively, we evaluate trust through contrast. Tangail’s savers carry the psychological weight of past losses, shaped by experiences in which local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) or syndicates disappeared with their life’s savings. 

Conversations during field visits often reflected memories of savings lost through informal groups or organizations. After such experiences, households became more cautious about where they placed their savings. They preferred institutions with a visible presence, long operating history, and clear rules around withdrawals. 

Manoti, a participant, shares that she lost BDT 500,000 (~USD 4,000), representing a lifetime of effort. She moved her savings from a reputable bank to an organization that later disappeared. Such experiences shape how many members think about financial safety. Several participants linked this confidence to BURO’s long-term presence in the community and its continuous relationship with branch-level staff.    

Trust often develops gradually through repeated experience. During field discussions, several members described how their confidence in BURO strengthened as they could withdraw savings when needed and observed that the institution remained accessible during difficult periods. 

The COVID-19 pandemic revealed the extent to which members trusted BURO. Despite restrictions on movement and temporary branch closures in many places, BURO continued to allow members to withdraw their savings. In the early weeks of the pandemic, members withdrew around BDT 30 million (~USD 0.24 million) to test whether their savings would remain accessible. When BURO honored these withdrawals without restriction, members grew more confident. Some households later shifted additional savings to BURO as a reliable place for their money. 

For members, BURO’s reliability creates a strong sense of security. Several long-term members described how it gradually came to be known locally as “BURO Bank.” They valued the ability to deposit and withdraw money through simple and reliable processes. 

Members often linked this confidence to clear institutional rules and the consistent support of local field staff, who maintained regular contact with households over many years. As another member, Fulbanu Begum notes, “When income from farming is uncertain, my savings give me confidence.”  

The experience of BURO’s Tangail branches suggests that savings deepened through product design and through the way institutions manage everyday access to savings. Reliable access to liquidity is an operational detail that shapes where members choose to keep their money over time. 

Institutions can better understand this relationship through tracking indicators that reflect how members experience access to their savings in practice. These indicators include: 

  • Withdrawal friction: How long does a member take to withdraw a small amount, such as BDT 5,000 (~USD 40), during a regular center meeting? 
  • Early withdrawal flexibility: How often do staff discourage members from an early Deposit Pension Scheme (DPS) exit despite urgent household needs? 
  • Rule consistency: Do members across different branches report the same understanding of savings access and loan–savings linkages? 

The experiences from Tangail suggest that predictable access to savings and consistent rules encourage members to deepen their relationship with the institution over time. Yet, for members, such as Kohinur, trust is much more than an institutional asset. It is the confidence that her money will remain safe, accessible, and respected when she needs it most. This is why trust becomes the product: It gives members the courage to save, continue savings, and plan beyond immediate survival.    

The next blog in this series builds on this idea by exploring when saving begins to feel like freedom. It shows how women in Tangail use savings to build security, support their daughters’ futures, and gain financial confidence over time. 

Savings before credit: Turning BURO’s borrowers into net depositors

Perhaps we were naïve. It never occurred to us that it could be acceptable for microfinance institutions (MFIs) to extract “compulsory savings” and lock them in until the client left the organization. Yet, that was the prevalent model in Bangladesh. Compulsory savings were allegedly necessary because poor people needed the discipline to save. The MFIs’ refusal to give them access until they left was ostensibly to allow them to build up lump sums. 

This logic struck us as disingenuous, flawed, and exploitative. The real reason for the compulsory savings was to help raise capital for the MFIs to on-lend to the very people from whom these MFIs were levying the savings. Insisting that the client leave the organization before they had access to their own savings seemed like a recipe for churn. 

We set up the BURO model in 1990 explicitly to challenge the norm. We allowed BURO clients to withdraw their savings on demand. We started in Tangail District. Our fieldwork in 2026 revealed that while most MFIs now allow their clients access to their savings, many branch managers still use savings to pay off unpaid loan installments, which undermines trust. In contrast, as a BURO client in Silimpur told us, “We trust BURO. It lets us withdraw our savings whenever we want and gives us the loans we need. We do not need any other organization.” 

Key outcomes across the five model branches 

At the end of 2025, BURO Bangladesh had 3.14 million active clients. Of these, only 2.53 million (80%) are borrowing. Today, a remarkable transition has occurred. All BURO’s original “five model branches” have net deposit balances that attract more deposits than they lend out. BURO’s clients in all five branches display “savings-surplus” behavior.  

Analysis of savings, withdrawals, and net deposits in the five model branches shows a remarkable pattern. Over time, clients came to trust BURO, and people continued to deposit, even during floods. This trend accelerated and took off around 2013-14, when BURO began offering its services to small entrepreneurs and salaried workers. Both categories required larger loans but were also able to save larger amounts.  

Throughout, BURO has offered its Deposit Pension Scheme (DPS). The DPS is a contractual savings product with interest rates of 10%, 8%, or 7% per annum, with a commitment of 10, 5, or 3 years. Unlike most other MFIs that offer this product, BURO allows its clients to cash out these funds early with limited penalties if they have an emergency and need funds urgently. These popular products were sanctioned for full-scale rollout by the Microcredit Authority (MRA) in 2014 and promoted by BURO thereafter. These remain the BURO clients’ preferred way of building useful lump sums of money. 

COVID -19 drove the 2021 spike in both savings deposits and withdrawals. Initially, BURO saw an outflow of funds, but this was soon replaced by a surge of deposits as clients understood that BURO would maintain uninterrupted access to their savings. When many banks and MFIs closed for extended periods during the pandemic, some clients withdrew from those institutions and shifted their savings to BURO.  

Catalytic changes over time 

In 1990, Bangladesh was still poor and conservative, and Tangail was no different, Microcredit had significant scope to provide working capital to enhance businesses. BURO’s small loans helped destitute households stand on their own feet and build a future. People took loans to rehabilitate broken or idle handlooms and purchase stock for small kiosk shops, for chicken and goat rearing, and to buy fertilizer for fields leased from rich landowners. As one old member put it, “Before, everyone was poor and we needed loans. Now, we have our own chicken and rice fields. We have money in our hands, so we can save.” As one long-term BURO client observed, “Before, we used to save BDT 10 (USD 0.08) per week, and now, we can save BDT 500 (USD 4.10).” We met one BURO client whose first loan was BDT 10,000 (USD 81.50) and now runs a successful business selling plastic sandals – she now borrows BDT 200,000 (USD 1,636) each time. 

When we first started working in Tangail, we found no households with members working overseas. However, in the last 15 years or so, this has become much more common. During our fieldwork, we visited many villages where a substantial number of households had sent male members out to the Middle East or Malaysia. These men remitted money regularly, often through BURO itself. This allowed their spouses or mothers to save relatively substantial amounts with BURO on a regular basis. One old woman noted, “Many people in the village have sent their husbands or sons abroad for work. They do not need to rely on loans anymore and can rely on their savings.” 

However, according to Heintz et al. (2017), 65% of Bangladeshi women still run enterprises from their homesteads, with 47% that generate income and 18% that reduce expenditure. We often heard that once they had saved an adequately large lump sum, they used it to buy cows or electric autorickshaws. “Before, women did not work. Now we all work and contribute. We do not need to depend on our husbands anymore.” 

This extraordinary evolution should remind us all how important it is to assess the impact of microfinance over a long period of time. It should also remind us that low-income people need a range of financial services beyond credit. 

So what to make of this remarkable story? 

We have four hypotheses – all open to debate, but all help explain the data and are substantiated by the discussions we held with BURO’s clients. 

  1. BURO’s presence and long history in Tangail, especially the five model branches, established 35 years ago, have created deep trust. This is amplified by other MFIs that: 
    (a) Refuse to allow withdrawals from savings accounts while loans are outstanding; 
    (b) Net-off delayed loan installments against savings accounts without the member’s permission; and 
    (c) Do not permit early breaking of contractual savings accounts.

    As a result, people have moved to BURO as their (typically sole) provider of choice – and have developed a collective savings behavior, preferring to save with BURO over investing in land or larger houses. The flexibility BURO offers is highly valued and encourages people to save. This allows them to respond to needs or opportunities instantly, something they could not do if their money were tied up in land or buildings. Our blog, “Trust is the product: Why Tangail’s savers choose certainty over returns”, explores this dynamic at length

  2. The DPS is a highly valued mechanism, and not (as we had originally envisaged) as a specific goal-focused savings mechanism, but as a way of setting money aside to build up lump sums. Decisions on what exactly these lump sums will be used for are typically made when the DPS matures and pays out. We explore this dynamic in greater detail in our blog, “When saving feels like freedom: Security, daughters’ futures, and financial confidence over time.” 

  3. Access to credit and savings services has significant long-term impacts. It first enables households to build enterprises or send (typically male) relatives abroad to earn and remit money home. Households now have much more disposable income, which they often choose to save. Women, who frequently manage their households in the absence of men, have taken on greater responsibility and developed their own businesses. “Beyond borrowing: How women in Tangail make sophisticated investments” discusses the implications of this shift.

  4. BURO loans and savings services have often financed or enabled the education of both male and female children, and intergenerational impacts are now visible. These children, now adults, are educated and thus (a) can secure overseas work or salary-paying jobs, and (b) are unwilling to work in the fields and thus seek opportunities abroad or set up their own enterprises. Our blog, “Migration as a household investment and why finance arrives too late,” discusses this trend. 

In the end … 

What began in 1990 as a principled rejection of compulsory, inaccessible savings has evolved into something far more profound. In Tangail’s five model branches, clients are now net savers, not net borrowers. This transformation was driven by trust, flexibility, entrepreneurship, migration, education, and time. The clients’ voices confirm what the data reveals. When people are treated as capable financial decision-makers rather than passive recipients of discipline, they do not withdraw money but start to save more. In the long arc of development finance, BURO’s experience suggests that access, autonomy, and trust may be the most catalytic financial products of all.